Decision
Making: An Overview
To a large extent, our lives are
defined by the choices we make—where (or whether) to go to school, what jobs to
pursue, whether to pursue that crush on Aisha, and more. It’s disheartening,
therefore, that we can easily find flaws in human decisions. Thanks to framing
effects, people sometimes flip-flop in their preferences. Because of poor
affective forecasting, people often choose options that ultimately will not
bring them pleasure. People also desire lots of flexibility in their
choices—and so they shop in stores that have a better selection, and they
hesitate to make purchases that are nonrefundable. It seems, though, that
people would be better advised to sat-isfice:
With fewer choices, they’d have an easier time choosing and end up
happierwith the outcome!
In light of these points, some
authors have suggested that our decision making is often irrational—guided by
the wrong factors (such as the decision frame, or the pres-ence of other
choices that don’t really interest us but that nonetheless distract us from
more desirable options; e.g., Ariely, 2008). Another researcher has argued that
the pat-tern of our decision making actually makes it difficult for us to
achieve happy outcomes. If we want to do more than just “stumble” toward
happiness, he claims, we need some other sort of decision-making process—one
that gives considerable control over our decisions to outsiders, much like
trusting your choice of a new car to Consumer
Reports (D. Gilbert, 2006).
A different perspective, however,
is to put less emphasis on the outcome of our deci-sions and more weight on the
process. Perhaps the goal of human decision making is for each of us to feel
comfortable with our choices and to feel that our choices have been reasonable.
On this basis, our decisions may sometimes not move us toward the best possible
outcome, but in most cases our choices will at least be satisfactory—and, above
all, we will each feel that our choices have been sensible and justified.
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