Factor Analysis and the Idea of General Intelligence
What
do we find when we apply this logic to real test data? Both the WAIS and the
WISC (the adult and child tests, respectively) rely, as we’ve said, on numerous
subtests. This arrangement allows us to compare each person’s scores on one of
the subtests to their scores on all the other subtests. When we make these
comparisons, we find an impressive level of consistency from one subtest to the
next. People who do well on one portion of the test tend to do well across the
board; people who do poorly on one sub-test tend to do poorly on the other subtests
as well. In other words, we find substantial correlations among all the
subtests’ scores. The correlations aren’t perfect—and so we know, by the logic
we’ve developed, that the subtests don’t overlap completely in what they
measure. Even so, the correlations are telling us that the subtests are far
from inde-pendent of each other; instead, they all overlap in what they’re
measuring.
To
document and measure this overlap, psychologists rely on a statistical
technique known as factor analysis,
developed by Charles Spearman (1863–1945). This technique distills from the
pattern of correlations a broad summary of how all the scores are related to
each other. Specifically, factor analysis (as its name implies) looks for
com-mon factors—“ingredients” that are shared by several scores. The analysis
detects these shared factors by using the logic we’ve already developed: If the
scores on two separate tasks are correlated with each other, this suggests the
tasks are influenced by the same factor. If scores on three tasks are all correlated with each other, then all the tasks,
it seems, are influenced by the same factor. And so on.
Factor
analyses confirm that there’s a common element shared by all the compo-nents of the IQ test; indeed, in children’s data, this
single common element seems to account for roughly half of the overall data
pattern (Watkins, Wilson, Kotz, Carbone, & Babula, 2006); a single common
factor seems just as important in data drawn from testing of adults (e.g.,
Arnau & Thompson, 2000). The various subtests differ in how strongly they
rely on this common element, and so some subtests (e.g., someone’s
com-prehension of a simple story) depend heavily on this general factor; other
tests (e.g., someone’s ability to recall a string of digits) depend less on the
factor. Nonetheless, this general factor seems to matter across the board, and
that’s why all the subtests end up correlated with each other.
But
what is this common element? If the subtests overlap in some way, what is the
nature of the overlap? More than 50 years ago, Charles Spearman offered the
obvious hypothesis—namely, that the common element is general intelligence, usually abbreviated with the single letter g. Spearman proposed that g is a mental attribute called on for
virtually any intellectual task. It follows, therefore, that any individuals
with a lot of g have an advantage in
every intellectual endeavor; if g is
in short supply, the individual will do poorly on a wide range of tasks.
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