Eating Disorders
Research has disclosed a significant cultural
effect on the pat-terning and distribution of the eating disorders. An
important de-terminant appears to be the Western premium on thinness as an
esthetic and moral value (Ritenbaugh, 1982; Nichter and Nichter, 1991; Banks,
1992). Cases of eating disorder have been found in many nonWestern societies
and several ethnic minorities in the USA, but their presenting features often
differ somewhat from the DSM-IV-TR criteria for anorexia nervosa and bulimia
ner-vosa (Shisslak et al., 1989).
Groups at high risk include those experiencing
rapid ac-culturation to the Western society, such as immigrants or those living
in areas undergoing accelerated industrialization (Riten-baugh et al., 1997). For example, one study
found a 12% preva-lence of DSM-III eating disorders among the Egyptian female
college students in London and no evidence of these conditions among a similar
sample in Cairo (Nasser, 1986). Although it is as yet unclear exactly how
acculturation predisposes the nonCau-casians to eating disorders, as a rule
these conditions are more prevalent among the Caucasians than persons of other
ethnic backgrounds (Wildes et al.,
2001). Bulimia nervosa appears more common than anorexia nervosa among the US
minorities and is often associated with higher than average weight, female sex
and sometimes older age, for example, among the American Indian groups (Rosen et al., 1988). Anorexia nervosa has been
found among lower socioeconomic class samples in several cultures but often
characterized by atypical features, such as the absence of distorted body image
or of the fear of gaining weight (Suematsu
et al., 1985; Lee et al., 1989).
Cross-cultural studies have pro-posed more flexible diagnostic criteria for
anorexia nervosa so that abdominal fullness, epigastric pain, or distaste for
food may be accepted instead of intense fear of weight gain to account for the
severe restriction of food intake or other weight-losing behav-ior (Lee, 1991).
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